Archive for category The War on Terror

Government Contracting

If you haven’t seen federal government contracting in operation, it’s hard to appreciate how slow and cumbersome it is. It suffers from the pressing need for politicians “to do something” coupled with the mentality that says that the solution to any problem is more rules and regulations. We saw that mentality in operation when the response to a couple of kids breaking a bunch of laws and shooting up Columbine H.S. was the call for a whole bunch more laws.

Thus there are rules on top of rules, multiple forms to be filled out, and above all, the presumption that everyone involved, on both the government and contractor side, is out to screw the government in some way, shape or form. This is why the U.S. government spends more money auditing its employee’s travel than it does on the actual travel itself. This is why certain companies specialize in government procurement and/or services while most won’t touch it with a ten foot pole.

I think this is why it is proving hard for the CPA to spend money in Iraq, and why most of it goes to American companies. Who else can comply with our blizzard of contracting requirements? And this is why the captured money spent by the Army at a unit commander’s discretion was so valuable – they spent it like you or I would — to get the job done for the best value. The Army set up its own checks and balances, and the most important thing is that the program is new enough not to build up too many rules and regulations.

That’s Some Mom

After women could be Marines, the joke was that the recruiting slogan would be changed to “Looking for a few good men — and a couple of tough broads.”

Well, this lady could have qualified. Frances Meeker promised her daughter Holly that no matter where the military sent her, she would be able to come visit. And she has kept her promise, even visited her in Baghdad. Great story via Instapundit.

When I’m 75, I want to be in the shape she is. You’ve got to watch out for those religion reporters.

Not Slow, Not Fast, but Half Fast

What is the American organization that has performed the least well in Iraq? Overall, the UN has to win hands down for its unwavering opposition to any safety measures; the CPA (Coalition provisional Authority) has to be the least effective on the US side. The military seems to be doing the best job all around, not just security but interacting with the Iraqis and in rebuilding efforts. I suppose it should be remembered that the post World War II occupations of Japan and Germany were both military with generals in charge, but that isn’t the case in Iraq.

I think a lot of the criticism of the Pentagon’s handling has been reflexive rather than insightful. Yes, I understand there are areas in Iraq where unrest continues, and the Baathist remnants and possibly Al Queda terrorists are able to kill American soldiers. But it isn’t militarily significant. Could the military do a better job – sure, you can always do a better job, but I think they are doing a good job, certainly more than adequate enough to fulfill their responsibilities. And I think if the civilian side of the occupation was doing its job, the military side would be much easier.

When we turn to the CPA, we discover a systematic failure in their responsibilities — most notably in getting a constitution written and in getting the coalition side of the story out to the Iraqi people. Part of the problem may be that they are making do with a revolving door of short term civilian workers; part may be that it is the effort that the State Department is most heavily involved in; and part purely organizational: it was formed just this year, the people don’t know each other, and it has no tradition, training, or experience in getting the job done in the face of adversity. Its head, Paul Bremer, has just returned to the US for discussions at the White House; I assume he’s going to be motivated to get the job done. Whether or not he and the organization or up for it is another matter. It seems to be the one most caught up with bureaucracy, poor contracting, excessive reliance on American and non-Iraqi contractors, and a seeming lack of urgency in carrying out its responsibilities.

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Internationalize This

Tom McGuire looks at the complaint that President Bush hasn’t done enought to “internationalize” our intervention in Iraq and isn’t impressed based on our experience in Afghanistan.

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Distancing or Confirmation?

In responding to a post by Joshua Clayborne about the leaked DOD memo on Iraq al-Qaida ties, I wrote a lengthy reply. So I thought I’d polish it up for my own site.

The Weekly Standard broke the story under the title Case Closed. The DOD responded with a Press Relase that in my opinion confirms rather than denies while taking the form of a denial – kind of like a back-handed compliment.

From the Press Release:

“These reports dealt with the relationship between Iraq and al-Qaida.

The letter to the committee included a classified annex containing a list and description of the requested reports, so that the Committee could obtain the reports from the relevant members of the Intelligence Community.

The items listed in the classified annex were either raw reports or products of the CIA, the NSA, or, in one case, the DIA.”

Here we have the DOD confirm that they did prepare a classified memo, that it contained a description of both raw intelligence data and various reports from various agencies, and the subject matter was the connection between Iraq and al-Qaida. Rather than distancing, the DOD said yeah, we put it together with the consent of the Intelligence Community.

As far as distancing from news reports claiming the DOD confirmed new information – well, I suppose it all depends on the meaning of distance, confirm and new. The News Release makes that the DOD had nothing to do with the reports and raw intel – all it did was supply a list to the Senate of non-DOD reports and raw intel. So I suppose you could say that the DOD distanced itself from what was contained in the reports (“hey, it ain’t our work, its the Intellegence Community’s work), and since this all happened back in July, why, nothing new here.

In fairness to Mr. Hayes, when he speaks of “new information”, he’s referring to intel gathered after the invasion of Iraq and new to those outside the intel community (he also points out that plenty of it is old intel – including from Clinton was President). I think most people would agree that that is a reasonable definition for a news report on this subject. And Mr. Hayes never claims that his conclusion that Iraq and al Qaida were cooperating is the official conclusion of any government agency or entity.

It’s interesting to note that the DOD press release focuses on the annex to the letter Under Secretary Feith sent – while Mr. Hayes consistantly refers to “the memo”. Does Mr. Hayes have the whole thing? Maybe there are conclusions in that part?

So you have Under Secretary Feith testifying before Congress in July, and the Senate asks him for the reports to back up his testimony — so he must have discussed ties between Iraq and al-Qaida. I think it’s a reasonable inference to draw that he was claiming there were ties between the two (why else say “hey, back those claims up”). I don’t know this, but I think that’s the way the evidence available points.

So I think the DOD press release doesn’t represent a distancing, but dare I say a confirmation of the news reports.

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More Soldiers?

Do we need more soldiers in Iraq, and do we need a larger military?

As for Iraq, I’d say the answer is generally no, but only because the number of Iraqi soldiers and police is steadily increasing. Ultimately, Iraqis will have to choose their future, and really all the US can do is to keep it from being stolen by armed force.

But I do think we need a larger military. Part of the problem is the political decision made post-Vietnam to structure the Armed Forces to require reserves to be called up to fight any significant foe. I think we’re currently seeing the shortcoming of that restructuring. So I think we need to reverse that, and replicate a lot of the non-combat capability that is currently in the reserves in the standing army while keeping the reserves; a lot of the civil affairs, military police, and engineer type units. I think we have plenty of traditional combat power as is – in large measure because our advanced technology weapons provide a huge force multiplier in open combat. But that technology of destruction doesn’t do us much good in the non-combat or low intensity combat areas.

In addition to the increase above, we need an additional army division that would be a brand spanking new type: the urban division, specifically trained and equipped for combat and peace keeping operations in cities. To do it right, we need to start small and try out different tactics and equipment that are better suited to urban combat before we create the whole division. I find it interesting that almost all the elite, or at least non-traditional military units are essentially light infantry: special forces, the 10th mountain division, the 82nd airborne division, and the 101st air assault division. The urban division would be mostly light infantry, although it would need tanks, IFVs and artillery.

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0th Generation Warfare

The insurgents (or whatever you want to call them) have clearly stepped up their attacks in Iraq. So the question becomes, why now. They are confronted with the choice of either attacking, or laying low. If they make attacks, they expose themselves to counter attack and exposure, while if they lay low, they can go unnoticed but they may lose recruits and their own fighters. Now such thoughts may not enter into their calculations, they may be attacking more simply because the have more men, more material, and more hope. Or it could be they have decided that it is better to attack now rather than later.

I know the tactics have been dubbed asymmetrical warfare or 4th generation warfare, but there is nothing new under the sun and I’d call it classic weak versus strong or 0th generation warfare. The goal is to harass the enemy, kill him when and where possible, and hope he goes away because it isn’t worth his while anymore. Morale, or even better, the will to continue, is what is being fought over in this type of warfare. And in Iraq, we need to realize that it isn’t just the morale or will of the US that matters.

The United States will leave Iraq one day; the only question isn’t so much when but under what conditions. Our desire is to leave behind a functioning government complete with armed forces that will be able to defeat the insurgents. It would be nice if the insurgents were wiped out before we left, but not necessary. In that sense, US troops are fighting a holding action. The insurgents would like us to leave before that goal is achieved, and then to defeat the government we leave behind. So the insurgents have to do two things to win – demoralize the US, and demoralize a majority of the Iraqi’s themselves. Thus they are attacking not just US soldiers, but foreign groups (such as the UN and NGOs) that will help the fledgling Iraqi government, and the Iraqi forces (mostly police) we are constituting for the Iraqi government.

At this point, there are now more Iraqi’s under arms fighting with us than there are American troops in Iraq, and the number of Iraqi’s under arms grows daily. Soon there will be more Iraqi’s under arms for the government than there ever were US soldiers in Iraq. So the attacks against Iraqi police are important to the insurgents to keep that day from coming – not from killing that many police, but from killing enough that too few ordinary Iraqi’s become police, or soldiers, or guards. So the insurgents have to attack now before the Iraqi police and military overwhelm them.

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PATRIOT (cue the shreaking)

Juan Non-Volokh points out that John Edwards was inaccurate in his criticism of the PATRIOT act, and then expands his point in response to reader criticism. I think a couple of things are going on here. One is that the argument over PATRIOT is in part over what has been done versus what could be done. The second is that there are certain hot button issues (e.g. abortion) where thinking and listening go out the window for many people, and PATRIOT (along with John Ashcroft) has reached, somehow, that status (mainly for its opponents though). The idea that the police can subpeona my library records in the course of an investigation simply doesn’t fill me with dread, yet that is metioned over and over by opponents as the most sinister aspect of the law. And if Ashcroft is for it, well, need we say more? Yes, you do. And just because it’s named PATRIOT, and we’re in a war, doesn’t mean that any criticism of it is treasonous. There are few if any laws that can’t be improved upon (sometimes by their outright repeal) and honest, thoughtful criticism is the only way to improve them.

Gimme That Old Style Religion

I know President Bush is a big fan of the Bible, as I am, and he quotes from the book of Isaiah quite frequently. So I’d like to say to him, and the nation of as a whole, that we shouldn’t commit the sin of Onan (Genesis 38) and pull out too soon, before the job is done. We have a responsibility to Iraq and to ourselves.

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Love Is the Plan, The Plan Is Death

“Failure to plan is planning to fail” goes the aphorism, and I’m hearing a lot that the Bush administration doesn’t have a plan for Iraq. Well. I can remember sitting in on a review for a proposal where the manager told us, “we had a plan for [another program – name excised to protect the guilty], we executed the plan, the plan was [a four letter word for excrement – name excised to protect my sensibilities]. This time, we want to make sure we have a good plan, and that’s why we want you guys to review it for us.”

The administration had a plan, and still has a plan. The basic structure is so obvious that it apparently hides in plain sight for some people. The plan is to build a new Iraq – a new government, new police, and new armed forces. Because once we have those, we can pull out, although I think we should keep a major base so that we can continue to exert influence in the region. Realistically, the government only has to be reasonably representative, the police reasonably non-repressive, and the armed forces reasonably effective. Everything else is how to get there. All the physical rebuilding is just the means to the end of the political rebuilding.

There was a lot of contingency planning for various disasters — oil fields set on fire, mass migrations, mass starvation and the like — that didn’t occur. Whether mass looting was planned on, I don’t know. It could be that it wasn’t; it could be that it was hard to shift from war fighting to order keeping and the looting occured before the switch was complete; it could be that the plan for the looting was to simply let it happen. There is nothing that says the plan has to be the right one in hindsight to be a plan. There are reports that a lot of military supply dumps full of weapons have been left unguarded, and if true, that seems to be a huge failure and somehow you think it should have been and should be now in “the plan”. There were earlier reports that the nuclear site at Tuwaitha was left unguarded when in fact wasn’t. What I know of the military tells me that if anything, we had plans for everything. They might not have been any good, but we had them.

I think we can have a good discussion as to whether our efforts in Iraq are adequate, what can we be doing better, how has planning changed with time as the facts on the ground have modified it, has the State Department / Department of Defense rivalry been harmful or helpful, were the assumptions of the planning too optimistic, and whether the big plan is the right one or not, etc.; but the position that somehow the Bush administration didn’t have any plans at all for post-war Iraq is simply wrong, and in the words of Donald Rumsfeld, unhelpful.

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